Sali Sxirtladze

Under Shevardnadze, the private Georgian television channel Rustavi 2 was dreaded because of its sharp tongue. It backed the opposition until the “Rose Revolution” of November 2003 but since Mikheil Saakashvili came to power, Rustavi 2 has gone silent. Some say it is the consequence of a media hierarchy which has been associated for far too long with the political party that is now in power. A small-screen giant, Rustavi 2 is now accused of having swapped its critical outlook for political correctness.
The truth, of course, is not quite so clear-cut, if only due to the financial mix-and-match that backs the television industry.
The written press is limited here as in all regions of the south Caucasus, and thus, control of the small screens takes on a political and a financial dimension. This is a behind-the-scenes report on the goings-on in the media industry of Georgia. The interweaving of television stations and heads of local politics does not stop there. Indeed, Rustavi 2 is not spared from the political meddling which occurs in the south Caucasus region. It is a well-known fact that the channel, created in 1994, has been since 2004, in the grips of Khibar Khalvashi who claims 90% ownership. This businessman from Adjara (he owns the distribution network of Procter&Gamble in Georgia and the Pepsi-Cola plant in Tbilisi) is, most notably, a close friend to the Defence Minister, Irakli Okruashvili. He bought his shares from three previous owners of Rustavi 2 – David Dvali, Jarji Akimidze and Erosi Kitsmarishvili.
The remaining 10% of the channel’s shares are still in the hands of Nika Tabatadze, who was once Managing Director of the channel. Out of all this jumbled share ownership, one name stands out: that of Erosi Kitsmarishvili.

Co-founder of Rustavi 2, Kitsmarishvili is the former “star” Managing Director of the channel. For a year now, he has been living in New York, although he is often seen in Tbilisi. Some say it’s for business, others claim that it’s to enter into politics.
As a charismatic television tycoon with a tempestuous character, he was the figurehead of the “Rose Revolution” and a close friend to Mikheil Saakashvili. But he made the mistake of bitterly criticising the former Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania, an important figure on the political scene in Georgia, who was found dead on February 3, 2005. Criticised in turn, Kitsmarishvili saw his political impartiality questioned.
Could this be the reason why he gave up the ownership of Rustavi 2 in July 2004? Rumours at the channel confirm this theory but the subject remains sensitive, and explanations are still only ever hinted at anonymously.

On January 4th, the Georgian television industry underwent its own little revolution. Rustavi 2 announced that it had acquired 78% of the shares of the television channel Mze (Sun), a private local channel launched in 2003 by the former minister of the Economy, Ivane Chkhartishvili, which covers Tbilisi and its surrounding region.

By becoming the major shareholder of its competitor, Rustavi 2, already the owner of the daily newspaper 24 Hours, was confirmed in its position as leader of the media industry in the Georgian capital.
More importantly, the channel has recently laid hands on a competitor whose 50% share was until then, owned by businessman David Bezhuashvili, none other than the brother of the current Minister for Foreign Affairs in Georgia (the other half of the shares were in the hands of a certain Tchkhartishvili). It is a shining example of how television media and political circles interact.
An “entertainment channel”, Mze has recently only been broadcasting one single news bulletin per day. The prevailing opinion is that its rare political positioning barely conceals its loyalty to the government.  Imedi (Hope), another leading channel on the Georgian television scene, is placed entirely under the control of oligarch Badri Patarkatsishvili, Russian magnate Boris Berezovsky´s former right hand man. The channel has been broadcasting for just for two and a half years and is regularly described as relatively moderate.
“Imedi´s editorial line is far from being radical”, confirms Georgi Sepashvili, editor-in-chief of the online daily newspaper Civil Georgia. “It’s a balancing act, trying not to be either in favour of or against Saakashvili´s government”. Patarkatsishvili´s channel does not represent the forces of opposition as Rustavi 2 formerly did under the presidency of the “White Fox of the Caucasus”.

Both channels compete for audience ratings even though they have very different editorial lines. Although competition between the channels is really fierce, their target market is different. According to Georgi Targamadze, Imedi´s political programmes´ director, his channel is “at the top of the national audience ratings”. More traditional, or even conservative, Patarkatsichvili´s broadcasting mainly attracts a rural audience. “As a concept, our religious and children’s programmes are more appreciated outside Tbilisi”, he adds.

On the contrary, due to its historical origins and and an editorial policy that built its reputation, Rustavi 2 traditionally leads the capital market share. “Tbilisi´s population has watched Rustavi 2 for over 10 years. They are used to referring to this channel which for a long period represented their only alternative to the regime’s television channels”, Targamadze points out. “Rustavi 2 tries to fight Georgian society’s conservatism, but it is up to a public television and not a private one to assume this role”. Today, both television leaders monopolise the advertising market. “So much os that there is nothing –or next to nothing left for other channels”, Targamadze admits, bringing to light another concern. “Advertising income is not enough and the financial balance still seems to be too fragile. {…} Research carried out mainly by American NGOs predicts that Imedi is about to reach the top of the television market”. These perspectives might be confirmed if Imedi´s owner Badri Patarkatsishvili´s financial projects succeed in the immediate future.

Indeed, while on business in Los Angeles and New York at the end of 2005, Badri Patarkatsichvili tried to finalise an agreement with the News Corp group led by media giant Rupert Murdoch. Present in over 50 countries and shareholder of Fox Broadcasting Company, New York Post, The Sun, The Times, The Sunday Times, News Corp group could buy shares in the Imedi holding. Patarkatsishvili would have to give up 50% of his shares.

On the other hand, Georgi Targamadze points out that “today, Rustavi 2´s financial situation is delicate and bankruptcy is a real danger”. The channel is heading for a 10-million-lari debt (around 5 million euros) with banks and the government. The government isn’t interested in controlling the internet for the time being, because it is a limited and specialised medium,” explained Ana Dolidze, director of the NGO Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA), at the conference on the South Caucasus media held on November 18, 2005 by the OSCE in Tbilisi. “The use of newsletters and forums allows opinions to be expressed that cannot be expressed in media that reaches a wide audience, such as television.”

The internet opens up new possibilities. The only drawback is that internet access is expensive and still not widely available, and actors of Georgian civil society, the media as well as NGOs, have not yet quite woken up to the internet’s potential.

According to Ana Dolidze, “since the Georgian government has a budget allocated to internet communication, the publication of government decisions both in print and online should be made mandatory. The aim would not only be to increase government transparency, but also to increase the legitimacy of internet as a means of dissemination and communication. We could also begin to perpetuate democratic practices with regard to the spreading of and access to information”. An ambitious project but one that cannot be ignored for the fragile Georgian democracy

Georgia (Georgian: საქართველო, transliterated as Sakartvelo) is a Eurasian country, chiefly located in the South Caucasus, at the juncture of Eastern Europe and Western Asia. Georgia borders four countries: Turkey to the southwest, Russia to the north, Armenia to the south, and Azerbaijan to the east. In addition, there is a western coastline on the Black Sea. Georgia’s population is over 4.3 million, nearly 84% of which are ethnic Georgians (2002).

Ancient Georgia was the site of the kingdoms of Colchis and Iberia. The latter, one of the first countries in the world to adopt Christianity as an official religion early in the 4th century, subsequently provided a nucleus around which the medieval Kingdom of Georgia was formed in the 11th century. After a period of political, economic and cultural flourishing, this kingdom went in decline in the 13th century and eventually fragmented into several kingdoms and principalities in the 16th century. The three subsequent centuries of Ottoman and Persian hegemony over these entities were followed by a piecemeal absorption into the Russian Empire in the course of the 19th century. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, Georgia had a brief period of independence as a Democratic Republic (1918-1921), which was terminated by the Red Army invasion of Georgia. Georgia became part of the Soviet Union in 1922 and regained its independence in 1991. Early post-Soviet years was marked by a civil unrest and economic crisis. Georgia began to gradually stabilize in 1995, and achieved more effective functioning of state institutions following a bloodless change of power in the so-called Rose Revolution of 2003. However, Georgia continues to suffer from the unresolved secessionist conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The relations with Russia remain tense over these issues as well as Georgia’s aspiration of NATO membership.

Georgia is a representative democracy, organized as a secular, unitary, semi-presidential republic. It is currently a member of the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the World Trade Organization, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, and GUAM. The country seeks to join NATO and, in the longer term, accession to the European Union. ^{Following a crisis involving allegations of ballot fraud in the 2003 parliamentary elections, Eduard Shevardnadze resigned as president on November 23, 2003, in the bloodless Rose Revolution. The interim president was the speaker of the outgoing parliament (whose replacement was annulled), Nino Burjanadze. On January 4, 2004 Mikheil Saakashvili, leader of the United National Movement won the country’s presidential election and was inaugurated on January 25. Fresh parliamentary elections were held on March 28 where NMD secured the vast majority of the seats (with ca. 75% of the votes) with only one other party reaching the 7% threshold (the Rightist Opposition with ca. 7.5%). The vote is believed to have been one of the freest ever held in independent Georgia although an upsurge of tension between the central government and the Ajarian leader Aslan Abashidze affected the elections in this region. Despite recognizing progress the OSCE noted the tendency to misuse state administration resources in favor of the ruling party.[4]The tension between the Georgian government and that of Ajaria grew increasingly after the elections until late April. Climaxing on May 1 when Abashidze responded to military maneuvers held by Georgia near the region with having the three bridges connecting Ajaria and the rest of Georgia over the Choloki River blown up. On May 5, Abashidze was forced to flee Georgia as mass demonstrations in Batumi called for his resignation and Russia increased their pressure by deploying Security Council secretary Igor Ivanov.On February 3, 2005, Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania allegedly died of carbon monoxide poisoning in an apparent gas leak at the home of Raul Usupov, deputy governor of Kvemo Kartli region. Later, Zhvania’s close friend and a long-time ally, Finance Minister Zurab Nogaideli was appointed for the post by President Saakashvili.}

Since coming to power in 2004, Saakashvili has boosted spending on the country’s armed forces and increased its overall size to around 45,000. Of that figure, 12,000 have been trained in advanced techniques by U.S. military instructors.^[28] Some of these troops have been stationed in Iraq as part of the international coalition in the region, serving in Baqubah and the Green Zone of Baghdad. In May 2005, the 13th “Shavnabada” Light Infantry Battalion became the first full battalion to serve outside of Georgia. This unit was responsible for two checkpoints to the Green Zone, and provided security for the Iraqi Parliament. In October 2005, the unit was replaced by the 21st Infantry Battalion. Soldiers of the 13th “Shavnabada” Light Infantry Battalion wear the “combat patches” of the American unit they served under, the Third Infantry Division.

The Georgian government claims to have restored “constitutional order” in the Upper Kodori Gorge - The sole Georgia-controlled part of breakaway region Abkhazia.^[29]

Georgia has in the past few years significantly reduced corruption. Transparency International ranked Georgia at 79th in the world in its 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index, giving it a score of 2.8 (with number 10 being considered the best possible score).^[30] This is a significant improvement on Georgia’s 2005 and 2006 Corruption Perceptions Index, where it was rated joint 130th and joint 99th, respectively. On November 7, 2007, during a period of mass protests, President Saakashvili declared Tbilisi to be in a state of emergency. There had been massive demonstrations and protests by the civil opposition. The opposition has been demanding the resignation of President Saakashvili. The Georgian police used teargas, batons, water cannons and high tech acoustic weapons to clear the streets of Tbilisi. Later the same day, the President declared a state of emergency in the whole country of Georgia lasting for 15 days. The Russian government denies accusations of being involved or of interfering in the situation. President Saakashvili rejected all demands that he resign his position, but announced early presidential elections to be held in January 2008, effectively cutting his term in office by a year.

On November 16, 2007, Prime Minister of Georgia Zurab Noghaideli announced his resignation due to poor health conditions. Noghaideli underwent heart operation in April 2007 at St. Luke’s Episcopal Hospital in Houston, USA which was led by the leading US surgeon Dr. Charles Frazier.

President Saakashvili invited Vladimer Gurgenidze, MBA holder from Emory University, USA and former business executive, to succeed Noghaideli on the position of the PM on the same day. Lado Gurgenidze was formally approved on the position and granted the trust of the Parliament of Georgia on 22 November 2007. Gurgenidze implemented only two changes in the Cabinet of Georgia so far, replacing Alexandre Lomaia, the former Minister for Education and Science and new Secretary of National Security Council with Maia Miminoshvili, former Head of the National Assessment and Examination Centre (NAEC). Prime Minister also invited Koba Subeliani, former Head of Municipal Accomplishment Service to succeed Giorgi Kheviashvili, former Minister for Refugees and Accommodation. New Prime Minister and two Ministers Koba Subeliani and Maia Miminoshvili were approved on their positions on 22 November 2007 by a confidence vote of the Parliament of Georgia.

Mikheil Saakashvili resigned from the position of the President on 25 November 2007 as the Constitution of Georgia requires the president stands down at least 45 days before the next election in order to be eligible for retaking part him/herself. The Speaker of the Parliament of Georgia Mrs. Nino Burjanadze took over the position until the results were announced on 5 January 2008.

The registration for presidential elections was officially closed on 27 November. 22 people, including the most recent president Mikheil Saakashvili, approved candidate of the united opposition Levan Gachechiladze, influential businessman Badri Patarkatsishvili, Leader of the New Right Party David Gamkrelidze, the Leader of the Georgian Labour Party Shalva Natelashvili, the Leader of Hope Party Irina Sarishvili-Chanturia and Giorgi Maisashvili put forward themselves for forthcoming elections.

On 27 November it was announced that a NATO membership referendum and election date referendum will also be held on the election day together with presidential elections. [5] The November 7th elections determined that more than 77% of the population voted in favor to NATO membership.

The presidential election votes came back with Mikheil Saakashvili winning with 1,060,042 votes, 53.47% of the vote, over double the amount of his nearest rival Levan Gachechiladze, coming second with 25.69%.

Mikhail Saakashvili on May 22, 2008 announced his confident victory for his ruling party in parliamentary polls amid fears of political unrest, and rising tensions between Georgia and Russia. Early official results indicated his United National Movement had 63% of the votes against the opposition’s 13%, with about a quarter of the 3,664 precincts. The Media in Georgia is relatively accessible and caters to a wide variety of audiences. A large percentage of households have a television, and most have at least one radio. The large majority of Georgia’s media companies (including television, newspaper and radio) are headquartered in Tbilisi.

One of the most popular networks is Rustavi 2 which gained considerable fame after its coverage of the Rose Revolution. The station currently reaches around 84% of the country’s population, as well as Europe, the European part of Russia and the Middle East via satellite. The station was long seen as a thorn in the side of the Eduard Shevardnadze regime, frequently reporting on corruption and human rights abuses. In 2001 a security police raid on Rustavi 2 resulted in mass street demonstrations against governments pressure - causing Eduard Shevardnadze to fire his entire cabinet.

The largest competitor to Rustavi 2 comes in the form of Imedi TV. Rustavi 2 has recently been seen as a mouthpiece of the current administration; for example, Rustavi had exclusive access to interview Georgian troops in Iraq. By contrast, Imedi TV has found an increasingly independent voice. The station was the first to break the investigation into Sandro Girgvliani’s murder, allegedly arousing anger amongst the President’s administration. The station is owned in part by Badri Patarkatsishvili, a media tycoon, and Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation. A preliminary agreement on the purchase of Imedi Holding’s shares was signed in New York on April 28, details of which remain confidential.

Last reports says that rating of Imedi TV is higher than Rustavi 2.

The final national player is Mze which was purchased by Rustavi 2 in late 2005. The channel has suffered poor ratings, and is largely expected to be turned into an entertainment network. Its widely reported that TV Station is controlled by the Government. The rest of Mze is owned by David Bejuashvili, oriented Georgian MP, brother of Gela Bejuashvili who is the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Georgia. Whilst the authorities finance some publications, there are some 200 privately owned newspapers. Most of these are based in Tbilisi, which is home to a number of newspaper publishing houses. Some of the most noteworthy Georgian newspapers include the daily 24 Saati (24 Hours), Rezonansi (Resonance), Alia, Akhali Taoba, and English-language newspapers Georgian Messenger, The FINANCIAL FINANCIAL (weekly), Georgia Today (weekly), The Georgian Times (weekly) 

According to Reporters Without Borders in 2005, Georgia is in 89th position on a list of countries ranked by Press Freedom; behind Moldova (85th) and Mongolia (86th) - both countries deemed to be in transition to Democracy from Communism. This ranking is primarily due to the limited diversity in media ownership, and self-censorship. However concerns over governmental censorship have emerged.

During the Sandro Girgvliani Murder Case the influential media tycoon Badri Patarkatsishvili, owner of Imedi, stated that the Georgian authorities were mounting pressure on his station and other businesses after it had broadcast details of the scandal. “It is no secret that Imedi television was the first one which reported the circumstances of Sandro Girgvliani’s murder…this alone became a reason for the authorities’ dissatisfaction, which triggered the financial authorities to actively launch a probe into my businesses and my companies so [as] to force me to mount pressure against [my] journalists..and facilitate the creation of a favorable image of the authorities,” Badri Patarkatsishvili went on to say that he would never yield to pressure from the authorities.

In addition, on July 6 Eka Khoperia, an anchor with Rustavi 2, announced during her live program that she was resigning, after refusing to follow instructions from the authorities.

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